So I think actually, one could ease a bit on saying “You’re not enough” [laughs]. In particular, tourism and handicrafts are seen as vital supplementary revenue for Sámi who continue to practise more traditional occupations, such as traditional reindeer herding, fishing, etc., or who currently practise these activities only to some extent (Müller and Pettersson 2001; Scheffy 2004; Dana and Remes 2005; Viken 2006; Leu and Müller 2016; Niskala and Ridanpää 2016). European powers completed cartographic surveys of territories through boundary commissions from 1900-1930, which allowed total control of colonies. The following quote, for instance, illustrates that differences between Sámi handicrafts from different areas are perceived not to matter to the tourist gaze, because the tourist is simply searching for a “Sámi” souvenir, with Sámi signifying a homogenous entity: Duodji are quite socio-anthropological … they show who you are and where you come from. Ethnic conflict is one of the major threats to international peace and security. Yes, there is a boundary of cultural appropriation and that boundary differs for different people. Artificial borders split many closely related ethnic groups into different colonial regions. Such boundaries form a central dimension of the social organization of complex societies and their stratification systems. Thereby these products make ethnicity a resource for tourism (Niskala and Ridanpää 2016), producing a kind of commercial ethnicity (Comaroff and Comaroff 2009) and causing handicrafts to become souvenirs (e.g. Accordingly, interviewees state, for instance: “These are made by Sámi. In contrast, representations of more complexity, such as local differences among Sámi or Kven and Torne valley origins, do not seem to be visible or to matter as much to the tourist. Some interviewees feel these boundaries stand in the way of more exchange and cooperation within northern handicraft networks more widely. In the context of tourism, and handicrafts, in particular, Sáminess is valuable: It is perceived as attractive and exotic in the eye of the tourist, lets Sámi handicrafts be perceived of as more authentic than other local handicrafts and allows them to be sold at higher prices (as also discussed by Niskala and Ridanpää 2016). A number of mechanisms have been identified that lead to a ‘‘hardening’’ of ethnic boundaries, less strategic malleability, and thus more stability over time. This  new  literature acknowledges that it is a matter of degree, not of principle, whether or not ethnic boundaries can be reconstructed and reorganized, following Katherine Verdery’s advice to ‘‘situate the situationalisms’’ of Barth (Verdery 1994). . Usage examples for ethnic boundary markers Words that often appear near ethnic boundary markers Rhymes of ethnic boundary markers Invented words related to ethnic boundary markers: Search for ethnic boundary markers on Google or Wikipedia. the sun, the wolf, the god of fertility, the god of hunting. When ethnicity is said to be expressed and manifested in handicrafts, these seemingly innocent objects become political. Thus we call for a prudent use of our findings. One example is the Berlin Wall, which was built in 1961 by Soviet controlled East Germany to contain the portion of the city that had been given over to America, England, and France to administer. The article deepens the understanding of the Sámi/non-Sámi ethnic categorization, here in relation to handicrafts. Rather than individual ethnic or racial ‘‘groups,’’ their history, culture, and social organization, the boundaries between such groups and the mechanisms of their production and transformation move to the foreground. “This is nothing genuine, nothing Sámi” – we explored these boundaries further: How are they normalized, why do they matter, where is the boundary perceived to lie, etc.? For them and their handicrafts, Sáminess is normalized as a closed category, because Sáminess is implicitly understood as being based on blood relations and as not being attainable through cultural practice alone. Second, we discuss Sáminess, which is talked about as an attractive quality situated in people’s bodies and as being transferred to the handicrafts. Crafter: Yes, I think so. the varying character and consequences of ethnic boundaries. Cohen 1993; Graburn 1984; Hakkarainen 2008; Hume 2009; Scheffy 2004), the adoption of Sámi cultural practices, such as particular handicrafts or symbols, by non-Sámi can be understood as a threat to Sámi ethnicity, making Sáminess a contested good (Valkonen 2009). […] One can have dual identities: for example, one can be both Sámi and Swedish and shift cultural codes in different contexts. Don't waste time. Moreover, these boundaries did not define all the available space in Africa. Do you see fragments of cultural stratification? Whether rejected or tolerated, the copious fluff of tourism (Wherry 2006, 26) seems to be more or less accepted as inevitable. Or maintained, including language, Quebec, and often work with elaborate decorations ( Dlaske )... Well as tourists as customers, and dual relationships this makes Sáminess relative to what is! 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